A merger too far

Originally written as a column for Inside Housing.

It may not be quite merger mania but the steady flow of housing association amalgamations continues.

So too do the questions. Where will this end? When does big become too big? Should business logic always trump local connection? 

The mooted merger between Bromford Flagship and LiveWest made me think again about all those questions precisely because of that local factor.

When I first moved to west Cornwall in the 1990s, the council housing stock had just gone through a stock transfer, one of many carried out by small district councils following approval by tenants in a ballot.

In 2007 Penwith Housing Association became part of Devon and Cornwall Housing. DCH in turn merged with Knightstone to form LiveWest in 2018.

The tenants’ landlord became larger and larger and also more remote – with headquarters more than 100 miles away in Devon – and there was no further ballot but at least those organisations made some kind of regional sense. 

Now, 30 years on from that original stock transfer, we potentially have merger number three, with LiveWest in talks to become part of Bromford Flagship (itself the product of a merger that only happened in February).

The merged landlord will become one of the largest in the country, owning or managing more than 120,000 homes stretching from Land’s End to Norfolk via the Midlands, with a headquarters 230 miles away in Tewkesbury. 

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A nod’s as good as a wink in response to committee’s critique

Originally written as a column for Inside Housing.

An intriguing Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government (MHLCG) response to a select committee report on Friday might just provide a glimpse into the government’s thinking ahead of the vital spending review due in June. 

Back in May 2024 the then Levelling Up, Housing and Communities Committee sounded the alarm about the finances and sustainability of the social housing sector and called for a whole series of sector-friendly changes. 

The response comes 10 months later (long after what is meant to be a 60-day deadline) but the world has changed in the meantime, with a Labour government elected and a renamed department and committee. 

So in one sense it is a free hit for MHCLG to echo most of the committee’s warnings and pin the blame for what’s gone wrong on the Conservative administration.  

It does not just agree that ‘the social housing sector faces increased financial pressures, exacerbated by years of under-funding and real terms rent cuts’, it also puts some numbers to the flashing blue lights.

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Juggling without dropping the ball

Originally written as a blog for Inside Housing.

How long can you keep juggling before it all goes horribly wrong?

That’s the question for social landlords posed by a new report from the all-party Levelling Up, Housing and Communities Committee on the finances and sustainability of the social housing sector. 

Juggling a couple of balls is simple. Three gets easier with practice. Four needs intense focus. Add more balls and external distractions and you risk dropping the lot.

The issues that need to be juggled are familiar ones: how do you continue to build new homes, decarbonise existing ones, fix fire safety problems and regenerate older stock when there is not enough grant to go around, construction, energy and insurance costs have soared and supposedly long-term rent settlements keep being revisited?

As the report points out, we are already seeing the results. Fiona Fletcher-Smith of L&Q told the committee that under the affordable housing programme that ended in 2021 it built 10,000 new homes in London but ‘this year in this programme we are bidding for 1,000. It is a dramatic drop.’

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30 years after – part 2

Originally written as a column for Inside Housing.

Kylie Minogue is riding high in the charts, Frankie Dettori wins the Ascot Gold Cup and the housing market looks to be in deep trouble.

In 1992, as in 2023, the more some things change, the more they stay the same.

Part 1 of this column looked at the similarities and the differences between the situation now and 30 years ago. This second part looks at the potential consequences for the housing system as a whole and what the government can do about it.

Arrears and repossessions: This is the issue burnt into the collective memory from the crash of the early 1990s, with repossessions peaking at 75,000 in 1992 and more than 400,000 owners losing their home in the decade as a whole.

The political impact was huge: the economic doom and gloom may well have contributed to the surprise Conservative victory at the general election in April 1992 but Black Wednesday that September ruined the party’s reputation for economic competence for years to come.

Partly thanks to that experience, and the losses made by lenders then, we are going into this downturn with arrears around half and repossessions about a quarter of the level at the equivalent stage in the 1990s cycle when prices were just beginning to fall.

A repeat currently looks unlikely unless we see second-round effects of sustained rate rises including a recession and large-scale job losses – but the odds on those are shortening.

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A turning point for social housing?

Originally written as a column for Inside Housing.

For as long as I can remember the social housing business model seems to have been at a turning point.

From private finance to stock transfer, from affordable rent to welfare reform and from austerity to the rent cut, the policy changes have kept coming against a wider backdrop of financial crisis, Grenfell, Covid, Rochdale and the cost of living crisis.

For years it’s seemed that something has to give – until it does and landlords have to do more with less and tenants get less for more and apparent turning points become spinning in ever-decreasing circles.

This time around, though, you really get the sense that things can’t simply continue as they are and as they have been.  

That was what came across quite powerfully both from this week’s first hearing of the Levelling Up, Housing and Communities Committee’s inquiry into the finances and sustainability if the social housing sector and from the written evidence submitted in advance. The inquiry continues with a new set of witnesses on Monday.

This is not just about the impossibility of squaring the circle between competing priorities, of continuing to deliver new homes at the same time as fixing unsafe buildings, regenerating ageing estates and decarbonising existing homes.

And it’s no longer just about doing more with less either. The return of inflation, and even larger increases in construction prices, mean delivering the same with much less.

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Gove’s confession only goes so far

Originally written as a column for Inside Housing.

If it’s broken, who broke it? If there were mistakes and errors, who made them?

It was quite an Easter week for Michael Gove as he moved into confessional mode first in a think tank report and then in a Today programme interview.

‘That the current housing model– from supply to standards and the mortgage market – is broken, we can all agree,’ the housing secretary wrote in an introduction to the report from Bright Blue and Shelter. ‘That change is necessary is undeniable. We are bringing about change – and we are determined to see it through.’

And, asked on the Today programme on Thursday (listen from 08:12), if he had gone through ‘an awakening’ on housing, he said that: ‘The thing that affected me most was the Grenfell fire. What the Grenfell inquiry, in particular, has subsequently brought to light were a chain of errors. I’m very happy to reiterate that there were some mistakes and errors that were made not just by the coalition government but by governments before which contributed to social tenants not getting the support that they deserve, not having their voices heard. And so change had to come and we are delivering that change.’

Note that Mr Gove leaves us with the same key message: others made the mistakes that broke the housing model and now he is here to fix things.

Some of what he’s saying is quite true – he has reversed much of the deregulation of the past – but the interview still begged more questions.

What exactly was he admitting to – and how much of the blame was he really taking for himself and his Conservative colleagues?

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The radical message behind ‘back to basics’

Originally written as a column for Inside Housing

At first glance there is nothing especially radical about the Better Social Housing Review – as the independent panel says, ‘there is nothing revelatory in our findings’ and ‘it may seem to housing associations that our recommendations are already central to their approach’.

And indeed much of what the review commissioned by the National Housing Federation and Chartered Institute of Housing says about engaging tenants, improving repairs services, handling complaints better and tackling stigma and discrimination are things that landlords could, and should, already be doing.

But take a second look and the key messages about organisations focussing on their core purpose and about it being ‘time to get back to basics’ are profoundly radical. They represent a challenge to the way that the sector has developed in the three decades since housing associations became the alternative to what the Conservative government called the ‘municipal monopoly’.

Because that same government was also making associations the vehicle for private finance and stock transfer and steadily squeezing the grant rate for new development to encourage them to ‘sweat their assets’.

That drive for ever greater efficiency and value for money worked in the sense that it delivered more new homes for less public money but it also created a remorseless logic for merger and the creation of landlords that became even bigger than the giant council housing departments of the past.

And that was only reinforced by regulatory changes in 2010 that overwhelmingly prioritised financial concerns over consumer ones and encouraged landlords to focus accordingly.

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The winners and losers from the rent cap

Originally published as a column for Inside Housing.

The rent cap proposed for social housing may not have come as a huge surprise but the consequences will play out in very different ways for different parties.

It says it all about the cost of living crisis that whether rents are capped or not could be well down social tenants’ list of worries over the next few months.

The energy price cap has already almost doubled in the last 12 months to £1,971 a year. Next month that will rise to £3,549 and the worst forecasts suggest that could double again by next April unless the new government takes radical action.

Effectively, therefore, tenants in social housing could be paying double rent next year unless they take drastic steps to cut their bills.

But many are already doing this and finding that even turning the boiler off does not go far enough – they may be asking why the consultation does not include an option to freeze rents.

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Johnson’s lame cover version

Originally published as a column for Inside Housing.

How exactly should we take Boris Johnson’s plans to ‘bring back Right to Buy’ and ‘turn Generation Rent into Generation Own’?

Many housing association tenants will welcome the chance to own their own home and private renters may welcome official recognition that they are stuck paying more in rent than for the mortgage they can’t get.

Equally, most social landlords will feel that they have no choice but to take very seriously a major change for housing associations and what could be yet another threat to council housing.

And anyone with even the vaguest interest in seeing more genuinely affordable homes will greet the latest guff about one for one replacements with a groan. 

But it’s also very hard not to be cynical about this latest cover version of Margaret Thatcher’s number one from the 1980s. The suspicion is that this is all about a lame duck prime minister having something catchy to announce regardless of how  – or even if – it will work out in practice.

Even so it’s impossible not to wonder about the practicalities of a plan to finance mortgages from housing benefit in the middle of a cost of living crisis, with interest rates about to rise at the peak of a housing market bubble that could be about to burst.

And it’s hard not to contrast Boris Johnson’s tired old rhetoric about social tenants on housing benefit being ‘dependent on the state’ with the plans announced just 24 hours earlier for a Social Housing Regulation Bill that will ‘mean more people living in decent, well looked-after homes enjoying the quality of life they deserve’.

Calling the plan ‘benefits to bricks’ looks like trolling of those who have genuinely attempted to find ways to shift subsidy to new homes.

And all of these reactions are subject to the politics of a wounded prime minister desperate to send the right signals to his party after 41 per cent of his own MPs said they have no confidence in him.

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An encore all over again for Right to Buy

Originally written as a column for Inside Housing.

It is the idea that is so superficially attractive that Conservatives cannot help forgetting all the other times it proved to be hopelessly impractical.

In a story helpfully briefed to the Telegraph a few days before the local elections, Boris Johnson is planning to ‘bring back Right to Buy’.

The prime minister has reportedly ordered officials to draw up plans to give the Right to Buy to housing association tenants ‘in a major shake-up inspired by Margaret Thatcher’.

Coming just over a week after levelling up secretary Michael Gove appealed to ‘Thatcher worshipping’ Tories to want more homes for social rent, the timing does not look like a total coincidence.

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