How renters will pay to keep mortgages low

One of the first things that any child learns is that 1+1 = 2. Not any more it seems. In the world of austerity 1+1 = 0.5.

That was the thought that struck me after reading work and pensions minister Steve Webb sum up for the government in the committee stage of the Welfare Benefits Uprating Bill this week. Thanks to his widely applauded work on pensions reform, Webb would come close to the top of many people’s lists of effective coalition ministers and he also knows his brief better than most people in Westminster. Yet for me he has always tried too hard to defend the latest piece of indefensible welfare ‘reform’.

And that’s exactly what happened on Monday as the Uprating Bill was rushed through its committee and third reading stages with debate severely limited and time to consider just one amendment.

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Tall story

You don’t have to look very hard for the hidden agenda in a report from the Conservatives’ favourite think-tank calling for the demolition of high-rise social housing in London.

Create Streets is a joint report from Policy Exchange and a company of the same name which campaigns for low-rise development in streets and against multi-storey developments. As usual in a Policy Exchange report it starts with a grain of truth and then adds a range of questionable assertions to advance a political agenda.

Read the rest of this post on Inside Edge, my blog for Inside Housing


Lack of support

After a u-turn by the Welsh government, England is the only UK nation still planning to cut council tax benefit in April – and not all of England either.

As tenants and landlords gear up for the bedroom tax and the household benefit cap in April and the start of the universal credit in October, it’s all too easy to forget the cut that will see affected households lose another £2 to £3 a week. The cut will see administration of council tax benefit transferred from the UK government to devolved administrations and English local authorities but with a 10 per cent cut in funding that will save the Treasury £470 million.

Wales had been planning to implement a national scheme but late on Thursday the devolved administration revealed that it had found an extra £22 million to help with bills in 2013/14.

Read the rest of this post on Inside Edge, my blog for Inside Housing


Ignoring the obvious

Without local authorities, England has only seen more than 200,000 housing starts three times since the war. So why is council housing being ignored now?

As John Perry argues in Inside Housing, councils are currently building around 3,000 homes a year but they could build 15,000 if they were given more freedom to borrow. ‘A government that is desperate for house building shouldn’t look a gift horse in the mouth,’ he says.

Desperate is exactly the right word for our current performance on housebuilding: just 105,000 starts in England in 2011/12, down from a miserable 112,000 in 2010/11 and less than half the level needed to meet demand and prevent an ever-increasing spiral of rising prices and rents.

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Nudging the nimbys

The minister introduces a ‘powerful new incentive’ for local communities to approve new homes. Sound familiar?

I am of course not talking about planning minister Nick Boles and his scheme to give local communities a share of the community infrastructure levy but former housing minister Grant Shapps and the new homes bonus.

As quickly became clear, this wasn’t a bonus and it didn’t have much to do with new homes either. It was more a mechanism for creating winners and losers (affluent areas and deprived ones). In the year before the first payments were made, there were a miserable 113,000 housing starts in England. In the year after, there were 105,000.

So what’s the difference between the Shapps Sweeteners and the Boles Bungs? The planning minister could quite reasonably point out that his cash will get closer to local communities because it will go to parish and town councils whereas the bonus goes to local authorities. In theory at least that should cut out the middle man and make the bribe more persuasive.

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Direct impact

Housing is barely mentioned in the DWP impact assessment of the Welfare Benefits Uprating Bill but there is little doubt that the impact will be huge.

The technical reason for the omission appears to be that the Bill only covers benefits and tax credits for which primary legislation is needed to change the uprating method. The 1 per cent increase also applies to the local housing allowance but this can be done by regulation and so is not included in the assessment.

The obvious direct impact will be on private tenants. The 1 per cent uprating in LHA effectively amounts to a cut within a cut within a cut within a cut. More on this aspect below.

However, the impacts do not stop there.

Read the rest of this post on Inside Edge, my blog for Inside Housing


Second half

The coalition’s Mid-Term Review is as coy about what was billed as ‘the most radical reform of social housing in a generation’ as it is about what else will be done to tackle the biggest shortage of new homes in four generations.

The section of The Coalition: together in the national interest on Communities and Local Government is one of the shortest in the whole document. The five claims on what’s been done in the first half of the coalition may be many things but none of them involve housing.

Read the rest of this post on Inside Edge, my blog for Inside Housing


Best-laid plans

The launch of the coalition’s mid-term report later today got me thinking back to its original Programme for Government – and how much it did not say about what followed.

According to reports this morning, David Cameron and Nick Clegg, mortgages and housebulding will feature in a package of policies including a new flat rate state pension and help with long-term care. They will say in their foreword: ‘We will build more houses and make the dream of home ownership a reality for more people’

Read the rest of this post on Inside Edge, my blog for Inside Housing


Most popular posts 2012 Q4

These were the five most viewed posts on my blog in the fourth quarter of 2012. Best wishes to everyone for 2013.

1) Strivers and scroungers – David Cameron used housing as the divide line between Britain’s two nations

2) 10 things you may not know about the Beveridge report – Why Beveridge hated the term ‘welfare state’ despite writing the blueprint for it plus more to mark the 70th anniversary

3) End of her tether – more than just revenge for her sacking as former Lib Dem minister Sarah Teather attacks the government over the benefit cap

4) Caps, cuts and moving home – the toxic combination of welfare reform and the weakening of the homelessness legislation

5) Joining the dots on unemployment and welfare reform – why are we succeeding in getting people into work who don’t want to be and failing with people who do?


10 things about 2012 – part 2

The conclusion of my two-part review of the issues and people I was blogging about in 2012 looks at bullding, owning and affording homes – and a year of anniversaries.

6) Housebuilding: talking a good game

If you measure the importance of an issue by its media profile, 2012 was certainly the year of housebuilding. The first half of the year saw momentum building behind the idea that investment in new homes would be good for the economy as well as people who need a roof over their heads. Support came from economists and politicians (increasingly from the Lib Dem side of the coalition) and even the director-general of the DCLG was talking about a ‘decade of housebuilding’ at the CIH conference in June. Hopes were genuinely high that the case for housing was winning support at the highest levels of government and David Cameron’s party conference speech in October was heavy on anti-nimby rhetotric.

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